Leave aside, if you can, the media and Anglo-British state frenzy over Russia. Consider for a moment that Scotland's interests aren't analogous to those of the power that controls it: England, renamed first as Great Britain and later the United Kingdom.
Enter the world of Realpolitik, where Scotland's interest in decolonisation runs directly counter to the interests of the colonial power and its allies - the power that has actually controlled Scotland for more than 300 years, not its asserted 'enemy'.
Liberation Scotland is seeking international examination of a relationship which the UK treats as an internal constitutional matter. Other states will approach that question according to their own interests as well as according to international law.
At the UN, Lavrov constructed a legal sequence. He first said that the UN normally invokes territorial integrity for Ukraine; then contrasted that with the Secretariat's formulation on Greenland, where both Danish territorial integrity and Greenlandic self-determination were acknowledged. He then quoted António Guterres saying that, following legal examination, self-determination doesn't apply to Crimea and Donbas in the same way. He only introduce Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland after constructing that contrast.
The significant sentence is:
"It will be interesting to hear the Secretariat's reaction to possible questions from journalists about the plans of Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland."
Lavrov is effectively inviting somebody to require the UN Secretariat to articulate its position.
That potentially creates exactly the sort of institutional question Liberation Scotland has been trying to bring into the international arena. If a journalist asks the Secretariat, "Does the principle of self-determination apply to Scotland?", the response itself enters the international discussion. A refusal to answer would also be politically informative; an answer based solely on UK territorial integrity could be compared with the formulation used for Greenland; while acknowledgement of a Scottish self-determination dimension would move the discussion beyond a purely UK domestic constitutional frame.
What Lavrov did next is particularly interesting. He invoked the 1970 Friendly Relations Declaration, UNGA Resolution 2625, and specifically the relationship it establishes between equal rights and self-determination on the one hand and territorial integrity on the other.
Scotland therefore wasn't introduced simply as "another independence movement". Lavrov placed it inside an explicit international-law argument about territorial integrity and self-determination - the same broad legal terrain on which Liberation Scotland is attempting to internationalise its case. Liberation publicly describes its objective as obtaining international recognition of Scotland as a dependency and bringing its case into the UN decolonisation machinery.
That's an agenda-setting act. Whatever Russia's underlying motivation, it potentially encourages the creation of exactly the thing any internationalisation strategy requires: an articulated UN position on Scotland.
What we're seeing is analogous to a geopolitical chess move. The consequential square isn't to begin yet another domestic argument about whether Scotland should be independent. It is whether Scotland's constitutional status becomes a legitimate subject of international-law discussion inside the UN system at all.
On 23 September, Lavrov deliberately pushed a piece onto that square.
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